This weekend, the New York Occasions printed a January 2018 letter drafted by the Trump authorized staff and despatched to Robert Mueller in an try and preempt any subpoena that Mueller may need been planning to ship Trump’s means. Kudos to John Dowd and Jay Sekulow (Trump’s attorneys on the time) for his or her efforts, but it surely would possibly’ve impressed the particular counsel a bit extra in the event that they’d really completed their analysis.

For starters, they argued concerning the incorrect obstruction statute.  No, I’m not kidding.  Right here’s what the letter stated:

“… § 1505 of Title 18, United States Code…forbids anybody from corruptly, or by threats of pressure or by any threatening communication, influencing, obstructing, or impeding any pending continuing earlier than a division or company of the US, or Congress…No courtroom has ever held than an FBI investigation constitutes a § 1505 continuing… As a matter of legislation, then, the FBI’s investigation of Lt. Gen. Flynn was not, on the time of the President’s feedback as recalled by Mr. Comey, throughout the scope of § 1505.”

Okay, acquired it. The statute solely forbids interference with “pending proceedings” and an FBI investigation isn’t a “pending continuing.”   That will be a improbable authorized argument, however for one little downside. 18 USC §1505 isn’t the statute underneath which Trump could be prosecuted for obstruction of justice – 18 USC §1512 is. That statute was enacted in 2002, it criminalizes corrupt interference with investigations even earlier than proceedings have really begun. 18 USC §1512 would most likely be the one underneath which Trump have been indicted (assuming it got here to that) for the Comey state of affairs.

The January letter made no point out of 18 USC 1512, which is past silly, provided that principally each authorized knowledgeable who’s commented on this subject has targeted on that one. Failure to even point out the related statute in a 20-page dissertation on innocence would get any legislation scholar a D on a ultimate examination; I’m guessing Mueller had a bit chuckle over the obvious error.

The remainder of the 20-page “President Trump couldn’t probably have completed something incorrect” manifesto included a couple of different ridiculous arguments too.  Listed below are a couple of of our favorites:

They argued that the president is above the legislation, simply because he’s the president.

“[T]he President’s actions right here, by advantage of his place because the chief legislation enforcement officer, might neither constitutionally nor legally represent obstruction as a result of that might quantity to him obstructing himself…”

That is the theme of the letter, in a nutshell. President Trump couldn’t ever be responsible of obstructing justice, as a result of as president, he already has the facility to close down any DOJ investigation. By this reasoning, a police chief underneath investigation for committing homicide could be inside his rights to evade the legislation in any respect prices by advantage of his authority over police investigations typically. That logic wouldn’t work within the motion pictures, and it doesn’t work in our authorities.

Granted, the idea of a sitting president’s legal responsibility for obstructing justice by thwarting an investigation into his personal actions hasn’t been examined at size, but it surely’s a bit untimely to assume what would occur in such a case. In the end, the query of how govt authority intersects with obstruction legal guidelines is one to be answered by the courts. These courts would possibly deal with timing (for instance, discovering that the president does have the facility to close down an investigation, however that until and till he does so, he should permit it to proceed unobstructed), or would possibly merely outline limits of the president’s govt energy (and rule that even a president can’t intervene with an investigation for which he’s the topic). A courtroom would possibly apply a completely completely different evaluation; both means, although, the result is way from sure. Robert Mueller (and anybody else even mildly conversant in federal prison legislation) is aware of this, and sure had a superb eye-roll session over this side of the letter again in January.

They couldn’t resist discussing James Comey’s ideas.

“Whereas Mr. Comey might or might not have misunderstood, misinterpreted or misremembered the President’s alleged feedback, the “laborious” proof already voluntarily offered to your workplace reveals not solely that the President most actually didn’t impede justice, however that on the time, Mr. Comey actually didn’t imagine that he had in any means obstructed justice. If Mr. Comey had believed in any other case, he would have opened an obstruction investigation and directed his investigators accordingly. He didn’t accomplish that.”

Whereas litigating prison circumstances, it’s commonplace for counsel to advance arguments within the various. Many a talented protection lawyer will put forth some model of, “X didn’t occur, however even when it did…” In courtroom, that works. In a letter purporting to clear up information to persuade a prosecutor to not prosecute, although, it doesn’t. Both the Trump/Comey Flynn’s-a-good-guy dialog occurred, or it didn’t. Provided that the alleged dialog was personal, it could have been way more strategic for Trump’s attorneys to easily deny that it ever occurred – the way in which Trump himself has completed. Clouding the protection narrative with claims of misinterpretation is unnecessarily giving up floor.

Moreover, Comey’s perception isn’t related. Trump’s intent is what issues, and Mueller is aware of this. Intent could be troublesome to show – and that’s a difficulty any prosecutor would wish to navigate; nonetheless, arguing that Trump didn’t impede justice as a result of Comey didn’t suppose he did on the time is simply foolish.

Additionally, declaring what James Comey thought is a rookie transfer typically. Any lawyer conversant in the foundations of proof (which, by the way in which, ought to be all of them) is aware of that one particular person can’t testify about what one other particular person thought. Clearly, the January letter isn’t sworn testimony, however the underlying logic nonetheless applies. John Dowd and Jay Sekulow aren’t certified to provide credible accounts of what James Comey thought. Their try to take action is presumptuous and implausible. That form of vanity doesn’t often play properly with seasoned prosecutors, and it most likely irritated Mueller.

They completely mischaracterized historical past.

 “No President has ever confronted fees of obstruction merely for exercising his constitutional authority.”

That’s technically true, however let’s not cease there. The very fact is that no president has ever confronted prison fees in any respect. Nonetheless, the query of whether or not a sitting president is immune from prison prosecution isn’t a settled authorized matter, and its absurd to behave in any other case.

Only for a bit corrupt-presidential historical past, let’s check out Watergate. Throughout the scandal, the difficulty of presidential immunity was totally briefed and argued earlier than the Supreme Court docket. Nonetheless, the Court docket by no means dominated on presidential immunity, and determined the case on different grounds. The truth is, on the time, James D. St. Clair, Richard Nixon’s counsel, wrote in his transient, “It has by no means been severely disputed by authorized students, jurists, or constitutional authorities President is probably not indicted whereas he’s an incumbent.” St. Clair was proper – it has by no means been severely disputed, litigated, or dominated upon. In 1997, SCOTUS did rule upon presidential immunity with regard to civil lawsuits – and guess what? It dominated that the president wasn’t above the legislation.

Donald Trump’s political model is entrenched within the idea that his each breath is unprecedented. That entire, “it’s by no means occurred earlier than, so it might’t occur to me,” factor seems worse on Trump than it could have on Nixon.  It’s uncertain that this argument was perceived as credible by Mueller, so that they most likely ought to have simply left it out.

The January letter wasn’t the primary – and definitely gained’t be the final – spherical of inane arguments coming from Crew Trump. Because the attorneys come and go, maybe the arguments will change into extra legally-sound. Or maybe not.

That is an opinion piece. The views expressed on this article are these of simply the creator.